When labour leaders gather at Charlie King Junction in Fyzabad on Monday, it will be the first time in more than a decade that they will join hands in a united show of force.

Umbrella organisations—the Federation of Independent Trade Unions (FITUN), the National Trade Union Centre (NATUC) and the Joint Trade Union Movement (JTUM)—say current circumstances dictate that they unite in the interest of workers, the country and good governance.

JTUM President Ancil Roget who this year was accused of upsetting BP’s applecart with his “take your rig and go” statement said the country is “not being run properly and the way forward is for the United Front of Labour to take action in defence of not just workers issues but in defence of good governance.”

The labour movement’s disquiet with the Government may have to do with its expectations created by a Memorandum of Understanding which it signed with the People’s National Movement just before the September 2015 general election.

Labour feels it was deceived by the political directorate. Nothing new. They felt that way soon after the 2010 general election when the Movement for Social Justice led by David Abdullah entered into an arrangement with the UNC and became a partner in government.

That marriage would soon dissolve, but Errol McLeod who once stood at the helm of the OWTU, held on to his post as Minister of Labour.

Fast track to 2017 and the incumbent Labour Minister is also from the bowels of the trade union movement having served as President of the Public Services Association for many years.

The paths of labour and politics have not just crossed at the negotiating table, but have merged at the political level from a labour Prime Minister to former labour leaders sitting in various cabinets at different times, infiltrating the corridors of power.

Yet labour and the political directorate, whoever it may be, never seem to see eye to eye.

In the past year, the economic reality caused by falling oil and gas prices has set in, with thousands of workers being retrenched or losing their jobs. No sector was immune. Not even the media.

In T&T’s fiscally-crucial energy sector, companies are sending home workers, more plant closures are feared in light of declining gas supplies, there are threats to jobs in the public service as several government agencies are closing down or workers are being sent home.

In this scenario, unions say workers must stand up against IMF/World Bank policies, retrenchment, privatisation, wage freeze, a failing OSH authority, lack of food security and sovereignty and a lack of good governance.

The Government’s hope of having a working relationship with labour all but fell down when the trade union movement walked out of the National Tripartite Council accusing the Tourism Minister of disrespecting the Communication Workers Union and workers of the Tourism Development Company.

The workers’ struggle is not new. But in the current economic scenario where things not only seem bleak, but are bleak, those who hold the reins of power would do well to temper their words with matching action. Don’t say one thing and practice something else.

Labour, too, needs to temper its own expectations. The cupboard is empty. It is a daily nightmare for the State to meet its bills. Overzealous demands have no place in the current economic climate.

With technology and falling revenue threatening the very livelihood of those it represents and its own survival, labour needs to change the conversation and perhaps ask its membership what can they do to ensure that workers have jobs and help steer the ship on course, rather than demand their pound of flesh. At the state level, those in power must reduce the levels of antagonism and arrogance, and treat the working class as equal partners.

The state works for the people, and the people work for the state.

It’s not a case of “we in charge now,” to quote a government Minister. The reality is that is really that we are in this together and we either sail together or sink together.

The choice is ours.

 The Natural Gas Master Plan for T&T, which will map out the natural gas sector for the next ten years, has been sent to a parliamentary committee for deliberations.

Energy Minister Franklin Khan laid the long-waited report in the House of Representatives on Wednesday .

In the Senate on Tuesday, Khan had described the plan as, “...a pioneering move, if I do say so myself,”

The plan has been in the works since November 2014 when the Energy Ministry,under the former PP administration, retained Poten and Partners of the UK to develop a master plan for T&T’s natural gas sector to serve as a policy guide.

Consultations were held stakeholders. The plan was reported to have been completed in August 2015. The PNM Government, after taking office, said it would be reviewed. The Energy sub-committee of Cabinet, chaired by onetime Finance Minister Wendell Mottley, reviewed the contents of the master plan and made various recommendations. These included maintaining the role of state-owned National Gas Company (NGC) as the aggregator of all natural gas sold in T&T.

After presenting the plan on Wednesday, Khan said it would be sent to the Parliament’s energy committee. Members are from both the House and Senate.

Meanwhile in the Senate on Tuesday, Labour Minister Jennifer Baptiste-Primus said the Occupational Health and Safety (OSH) agency has been laying charges against various companies which are being fined for breaches of OSH law.

Companies have been paying the fines, she added.

She was replying to Opposition queries about Gary Mohammed, who died last week after an ammonia gas cylinder exploded at Massy Gas Products (Trinidad) Ltd on May 31. Mohammed was one of the two workers who were injured. He sustained massive internal injuries. His family has called for probe of the matter.

Baptiste- Primus said, “Government extends sincerest condolences to the family of this young man who, through no fault of his own, lost his life,”

Baptiste-Primus said the matter was being probed by the OSH agency,”The investigator visited the (Massy) compound last Friday and interviewed the management of Massy’s plant at Point Lisas.

She said the OSH agency is trying to determine if any OSH laws were breached and is also doing a full inspection of the entire Massy Gas Production compound’s operation, not only the area where the explosion occurred.

Baptiste-Primus could not say when the report would be completed, but she noted that the OSH law prescribed a time-frame for the provision of investigatory reports.

It is unbelievable and outrageous that some patients suffering from cancer and other serious illnesses or injuries in south Trinidad are being told by the San Fernando General Hospital that they need to wait between three and four months before they can have CT scans done.

This waiting period is what was admitted by Gail Miller-Meade, the acting CEO of the South-West Regional Health Authority, the body that oversees the San Fernando General Hospital and health centres in that area, in response to a report published in this newspaper, that the wait list stretched to January 2018.

The T&T Guardian reported last week on the large backlog of patients at the hospital in San Fernando requiring CT scans, which has been caused by the fact that one of the two computerised tomography (CT) machines at the health institution has been non-functional for six months. Six months!!

The CT scan provides accurate cross-sectional images of the body and is used by doctors to measure the progression or regression of cancers and other serious ailments. The machine is, therefore, an important tool in the diagnosis and treatment of life-threatening medical problems.

There must be something seriously wrong with the procurement procedures of a public healthcare system that cannot purchase, on an emergency basis, a part for a piece of equipment that could be the difference between someone living with cancer and that person dying from it.

The explanation provided by acting SWRHA CEO Ms Miller-Meade for the lengthy period of time that the 64-Slice CT scanner has remained non-functional is that the supplier of the part was experiencing problems obtaining foreign exchange.

According to the healthcare executive: “The supplier never indicated that problem to us or else we could have engaged the Ministry of Finance to get the foreign exchange. But we found out afterwards and we are treating with that now so we can air freight the part.”

It is literally beyond belief that the chronic shortage of foreign exchange that T&T has been experiencing for at least three years now is being cited as the cause of the unavailability of crucial spare parts for important pieces of medical equipment.

It cannot be that foreign exchange is so scarce in T&T that a bank employee would fail to accede to a request from a legitimate healthcare equipment supplier for the foreign exchange to purchase the spare part.

That explanation requires an urgent intervention and investigation by Minister of Health Terrence Deyalsingh to determine whether there are other issues that have delayed the purchase of the part.

Mr Deyalsingh should also determine whether the response time of those who are responsible for spare part procurement in the public healthcare system is adequate.

The Minister of Health should also ensure that the procurement entity for all of the country’s public hospitals have access to a special emergency source of foreign exchange that can be disbursed quickly so that cancer, and other, patients do not have to wait for up to four months to get diagnostic scans.

Alternatively—and strictly as a short-term solution—the minister should consider putting in place a system that allows public hospitals to refer urgent cases requiring CT scans to private hospitals.

Mr Deyalsingh could, as well, give consideration to the suggestion of Dr Anand Chatoorgoon, the former medical chief of staff at the San Fernando General Hospital, that the CT scanners at the Couva Hospital should be pressed into use.

Clearly, 1,200 people on a CT-scan wait list that is months long is a crisis situation, which requires crisis thinking and crisis solutions.

In 2000, the then UNC government passed the Deoxyribonucleic (DNA) Identification Act (“the 2000 DNA Act”), which was intended to be at the forefront of the fight against crime by providing for DNA forensic analysis and allowing DNA reports to be put into evidence.

You don’t need to be a scientist to know of the usefulness and accuracy of DNA forensic analysis.

Put simply, it is used to identify and convict perpetrators of crime. Policing without it is not modern policing.

So critical is it for detection and use as an evidential tool to secure convictions that no modern system of the administration of criminal justice can exist without it. It is pure science, not reliant upon evidence from—as is sadly the case in our country—frightened, vulnerable and often reluctant witnesses.

The 2000 DNA Act—which allowed taking DNA samples from criminal suspects with their consent and by court order without consent was assented to in July 2000 and was to come into force on a date to be fixed by the President—read “the Cabinet”—by proclamation.

Obviously it could not sensibly be brought into force until the necessary infrastructure was put in place for it to be effectively implemented and administered, which was bound to take some time.

Unfortunately for us all, when the PNM was illegally put into office in December 2001 it sat back and did nothing to staff and equip the Forensic Science Centre and never proclaimed the 2000 DNA Act.

We all remember the violence, murders, kidnappings and other serious crimes that escalated while the 2001/2002 and 2002/2007 PNM governments fiddled.

It was reported that way back in March 2004, then PNM minister of national security Martin Joseph in answer to a question in Parliament as to why the 2000 DNA Act had not yet been proclaimed, stated: “The proclamation of the DNA Act, 2000 is dependent upon the achievement of a state of technical readiness by the Forensic Science Centre and the completion of regulations to give effect to the Act…the Director of the Centre has advised that it should attain readiness by April 2004. With regard to the enabling regulations…it is anticipated that the exercise will be completed by the end of March 2004”.

More than two years later, nothing was done when in June 2006 the same minister announced that: “the current DNA legislation is being reviewed with an aim to introduce new legislation later this year”.

So six years and hundreds of murders and serious crimes later, it was as if the 2000 DNA Act never was.

Then came the 2007 DNA Act, passed by the PNM in 2007, which repealed the UNC’s 2000 DNA Act and which, like its predecessor, gathered dust as nothing was done to implement it. Worse still, it was found by the courts to be a botched piece of legislation, because while it empowered the courts to order that a DNA sample be taken from an unwilling “suspect”, it did not allow the courts to make any such order against unwilling convicts and people charged, who the courts felt would comprise the majority of people in the yet to be established DNA database.

It appeared that the 2007 DNA fell way short compared to the 2000 DNA Act

Five years later, and 12 years after the 2000 DNA Act, the PP passed the Administration of Justice (Deoxyribonucleic) Act, 2012 (“the 2012 DNA Act”) with great fanfare, designed to cure the flaws in the PNM’s 2007 DNA Act.

However, like the PNM, the PP did nothing meaningful to implement its own act. This pattern of bringing legislation to Parliament, debating it and then ignoring it, signifying “the nothing” in the Shakespearean verse, is becoming all too regular. Governance thus becomes illusory because the lives of our citizens remain unimproved.

To date, DNA forensic analysis has not played any substantial role in criminal detection and conviction. That this has been allowed to happen even though it was intended to be a crucial part of policing and justice 17 long years ago is a disaster. It speaks to inertia and a lack of leadership by the PNM, then by the PP, and now again by the PNM.

The sorry state of affairs was confirmed by the Joint Select Committee on National Security in its Report to Parliament on June 1, this year. The report pointed to the failure by “the relevant stakeholders”, which included the Ministry of National Security, the Commissioner of Police, and the Chief Personnel Officer, to push forward the establishment of the DNA databank, found that the challenges preventing the Forensic Science Centre from performing effectively were “largely unresolved” and that requirements outlined by the Forensic Science Centre to the Ministry of National Security were “largely unfulfilled”, and noted that regulations under the act had not been made.

So, in June 2017, we still have not, to use the words of the PNM minister in 2004, achieved “a state of technical readiness by the Forensic Science Centre” or “the completion of regulations to give effect to the act”.

As usual, the leadership runs away evading responsibility.

So much was made clear when the chairman of the same committee, Minister of Public Utilities Fitzgerald Hinds, immediately after the report was laid, defended the Minister of National Security for the mess by stating that while the minister is responsible for policy and providing resources through the Ministry of Finance he does not “implement”. Blame everyone else, not me.

Seventeen years and three governments later, do they truly expect us to believe they are doing all they can to solve crime? I think not.

​Mickela Panday

Another rise and fall in West Indies cricket is sweeping by us with the West Indies Cricket Board completely bereft and uncaring of an understanding of what is taking place and its implications.

The rise was created by a team of young, very talented and professional cricketers inured in the game by professional jaunts around the world of T20 cricket leagues.

The fall resulted from a hopelessly incompetent, allegedly corrupt and vindictive group of non-achievers who make up the West Indies Cricket Board.

In the previous rise period when Clive Lloyd and his team grasped the opportunity to join the Kerry Packer league—which was responsible for the modern innovations in cricket—having professionalised themselves in the Australian and English domestic leagues, the recalcitrant WICBC sought to punish them for their enterprise and foresight.

Today, the mindless Dave Cameron board, its overreaching colonial attitudes, equipped only with the capacity to dispense patronage to national boards, has castrated West Indies cricket by eliminating the same professionals who were responsible for the rise of the team to two T20 World Championships.

West Indian cricket is now devoid of pride; an amateur team struggled against Afghanistan (a team outside of the Test-playing countries) with the batsmen tied into knots by an 18-year-old legspinner, in the process being shamed by the drawn ODI series.

In technique, temperament and the mental approach to the game, especially at the crease, the West Indians looked hopeless when compared to England, India, Sri Lanka and even Bangladesh, whose bowling coach is the great WI fast bowler, Courtney Walsh, while we struggle with Australian Stuart Law, Cameron having fired the relatively successful Phil Simmons.

Like our colonial governors, Dave Cameron and Cricket West Indies (they have even fudged an identity) could not tolerate backchat from a local and preferred to have a foreigner in the job who would not talk back.

Unfortunately, Simmons’ dismissal is not an isolated case. The brightest batting prospect on the West Indian horizon, Darren Bravo, has been relegated to the sidelines by non-achiever Cameron.

Bravo had the temerity to say that the president of the board was lying when he told the world that he, Bravo, had not performed to justify the “A” contracts he had enjoyed.

In language to match Cameron’s offensive untruths, Bravo made it known that the master of the manor was not only a teller of tales, but an “idiot”.

The rise of WI in T20 and to a lesser extent in the ODI, the most popular formats of the present, was a result of the players being nurtured at the club and national levels.

The likes of DJ Bravo, Pollard, Russell, Gayle (who would have had an extended run at the international level and made himself into the ideal T20 batsman) Narine, Samuels, Smith and a few others, had their start with the Adam Stanford T20 venture, which not too incidentally was a start that the WICB failed to build upon.

Of great significance was the contribution of skipper Darren Sammy, in the mould of Worrell and Lloyd, in fashioning a world class from individual talents.

The board of Julian Hunte must take credit for discerning the leadership qualities in Sammy; a very modest all-rounder but a motivating leader of men.

We did not fully appreciate it then, but Sammy’s telling off of Cameron at the end of the T20 Championships in India (2016) signalled the fall of the West Indian dominance in the T20 format and the crash in the ODI game.

Sammy and the “ringleaders” in protest were ostracised. The WI could not make it into the eight teams of the ICC ODI Championships and already the word is that the team is not likely to be amongst those in the 2019 World Cup. The fall could not be more precipitous.

The pattern repeats itself: Like with the golden Lloyd/Richards era, which the board played little part in creating, West Indies cricket is now in a free fall to the bottom which the board has central responsibility for.

Instead of advancing WI cricket, the Cameron board was responsible for the debacle of the 2014 tour of India and the inuring of a US$45 million debt for defaulting on the series.

And as in the previous rise era, succeeding boards did little to take commercial and financial advantage of the vital West Indian contributions to the T20 format.

The vibrancy, the innovative approach to batting, the towering 6s of Gayle, Pollard, Russell, the dancing of Gayle and Bravo, the free spirit of the crowds at these games, they have literally been invented by our players and our crowds at West Indian grounds. We know not the value of what we have—what Prof Rex Nettleford called “the creative imagination” of the West Indian.

Bravo, Pollard and Russell were the early exponents of the fielder, catching the ball across the boundary while being airborne and tossing it back into play for a teammate, or the original catcher himself, to return inside the boundary to take the catch.

The technique has now become commonplace without it being fully recognised as a West Indian enterprise.

As the Gayle/Bravo group begins to feel the effects of exhaustion and injury, there are but a few West Indian players who in the immediate future are likely to win contracts from the large T20 franchise holders. The fall is spreading across the face of WI cricket.

Last Tuesday, the Guardian reproduced some of the questions that were asked of prospective judges for our High Court.

While one can note that there is a Common Entrance policy for all judges, what was most surprising was that the examination itself had some Common Entrance questions that would be asked of 11-year-old students, rather than applicants for the High Court bench.

This information came from a Freedom of Information request that had been made by Senator Gerald Ramdeen back on April 7 when he raised questions about the criteria being used by the Judicial and Legal Service Commission (JLSC) to recommend appointments for the High Court bench to the President.

Ramdeen was roundly criticised at the time for daring to question the judicial establishment about the processes that it employed in making these appointments.

Indeed, on the day of the swearing-in ceremonies for Marcia Ayers-Caesar, Kevin Ramcharan and Avason Quinlan-Williams on April 12 instant, Chief Justice Ivor Archie said:

“It is important as well that the public knows that anyone who is appointed has been through one of the most rigorous selection processes you can find anywhere in the region or Commonwealth.”

Since that time, the public has found out a lot more about “one of the most rigorous selection processes you can find anywhere in the region or Commonwealth” and quite frankly, it is disturbing.

Instead of questions about legal philosophy involving matters such as the views of Montesquieu on the separation of powers, potential judges were being asked questions about the cost of a bat and ball that cost $1.10 together where the bat costs $1.00 more than the ball, so how much does the ball cost? Really?

In a twenty-first century democracy, potential judges, according to last Tuesday’s Guardian, also had to be “reminded of the need to use proper language, correct spelling, standard grammar and orderly, legible and neat presentation” of their work. That is a responsibility that should come naturally with professionalism and nobody at that level should be reminded about that. Indeed, it should not be stated and anyone who presents such work should have marks deducted for such sloppiness.

Such a caution ought to have been given to whoever prepared the ballot paper for the Law Association on June 1 instant.

The entire examination should be restructured to permit applicants to be tested on (i) principles of legal philosophy (to test for knowledge of the major principles in the law), (ii) the criminal and civil codes (to test for knowledge of the application of the law), (iii) judicial-opinion writing (to test for the ability to write effective judgments after being given potential decided outcomes that require a judgment to be written), and (iv) case-load management (to test the managerial ability of potential judges to manage their workloads in the interest of efficiency and justice). The examination could be held over two days to separate (i) and (ii) from (iii) and (iv).

There should be no need to test the numeracy skills of people who are holding senior positions as diverse as the chief magistrate or a registrar in the Family Division.

If there is a belief that numeracy skills are deficient at that level and require testing, then we have a bigger problem than we can imagine.

The common entrance policy for admission to the High Court can be improved to remove the Common Entrance approach to examining potential judges.

Based on what was revealed by the Guardian last Tuesday, there is no way that this examination process can be described as part of “one of the most rigorous selection processes you can find anywhere in the region or Commonwealth”.

While the Law Association announced last Monday the creation of a committee that its president Douglas Mendes said will try “to let the public know that it is assessing the system of appointments and not about the events of the last six weeks”, there can be no doubt that the committee has come about because of the events of the last six weeks.

That committee needs to ensure that its work product will not be viewed as a public relations exercise that is unlikely to address whatever ills exist in the administration of justice if their recommendations will be shelved with a polite thank you note from the relevant authorities.

That committee must understand that there is no consensus on the issue of changing from the CCJ to the Privy Council, that there is no desire by judicial authorities to appear before parliamentary committees, and that judges are tested on the most elementary matters in the name of academic rigour.

They must also address the culture of secrecy in the administration of justice and recognise that has to change towards greater transparency and accountability. Legislation cannot make that happen as Senator Ramdeen found out as he had to go to court to force requested information out of the Judiciary. Freedom of information and freedom of the press have exposed the travesty of the Common Entrance examination for the Common Entrance policy for the Judiciary.

Among the pantheon of historical figures, few names inspire more fascination than Alexander III of Macedon, known colloquially as Alexander the Great. By age 33, his extensive military campaigns had conquered most of the known world.

However, classical academia teaches that it was his father, King Philip II, who paved the way for the young Alex’s successes.

Despite the deserved reputation of being a ruthless warlord, Philip was also a visionary who reformed the Macedonian army and subjugated the Greek city states, establishing a hegemonic alliance to support the invasion of Persia.

Their achievements were the result of careful planning and the shared ambition of forging a new empire for the benefit of human civilisation.

I am reminded of these towering personalities because for the past few weeks I have been coming across their names in the combined form of Phillip Edward Alexander, self-proclaimed social activist and founder of the recently registered Progressive Empowerment Party (PEP).

Mr Alexander has been in the public eye for a while now and is connected to a number of noteworthy ventures. He helped found the humanitarian Jericho Project, lobbied for the construction of the traffic bypass at Four Roads, and ran as an independent candidate for the Diego Martin West seat in the 2015 election.

Though his bid to enter the political realm was unsuccessful, he remains undeterred in making it his new career path and has been slowly building up a support base—holding cottage meetings and organising the infrastructure for his new party.

Although the PEP is still in its infancy, with few resources at its disposal, its greatest asset is Mr Alexander’s commitment to getting his message out to the masses. To that end, he’s bypassed the traditional media outlets and has taken to hosting nightly live broadcasts on his Facebook page.

These sessions, usually lasting an hour, begin with voicing outrage against the Government, transitions to presenting plans on fixing our country and ends with a short call-in segment. I will admit to listening every so often, paying close attention to the number of people tuning in (average four or five hundred) as well as the comments that are made on the accompanying thread.

Enthusiastic as the participants may be it’s still too early to label any of them “likely” PEP voters. But at the very least, they are definitely interested in hearing what he has to say.

When it comes to the choice of governance—T&T’s electorate is caught between a rock and a hard place.

In a comparison between the current PNM administration and the past stewardship of the UNC, both have proven themselves to be equally disappointing. But what makes this situation worse is the knowledge that we can expect no better. And the constant cycling from one party to the other negates any chance of achieving meaningful and lasting progress.

In a previous column printed on February 28, I briefly mentioned Mr Alexander and the PEP, suggesting that:“…his crowds may be small, but what he does have on his side—is time”.

There is the possibility that as the dissatisfaction with the political status quo continues to grow, more and more voters will desperately look to the third party option, no matter who’s leading it or what it stands for…which could even include the post-partnership COP, now a mere shadow of what it once was.

Anyone who has ever watched a parliamentary debate knows our MPs spend most of their time either criticising a policy or having to defend it.

This is where being an outsider puts Mr Alexander in an advantageous position. He can self-righteously criticise both parties while not having any political track record to defend. That being said, some of his proposals do have merit, but as we’ve seen with past governments, the problem lies with implementation.

It would be nalve of Mr Alexander to think that all he needs to fix T&T is the will and a few good ideas. And that’s something voters need to take into account before throwing their support behind the PEP or any other third party.

As with the wave of political populism that has swept the United States and Europe, fiery rhetoric, grandiose promises and the blame game are all effective tools when it comes to getting elected.

We’ve had our hopes crushed too many times by phoney leadership and the last thing we need—especially now—is more of the same from someone different.

Much like the Macedonian conquest of Persia by the famed father-son duo, solving the multitude of problems facing T&T will neither be a quick nor easy undertaking.

The move forward is going to be wrought with stiff resistance, pushing against archaic systems that are steeped in corruption and inefficiency.

Thus far, the PNM and UNC seem disinterested in fighting the necessary battles, legislative or otherwise, for the sake of a better country.

The PEP might have very little presence on the political landscape, but if it does become a force to be reckoned with, we can only hope that Phillip Edward Alexander turns out to be a leader worthy of his namesakes.

​Ryan Hadeed

T&T and the United States share a deep respect for the rule of law and the tradition of helping other nations in need. As Acting Assistant Secretary of State for Western Hemisphere Affairs Francisco “Paco” Palmieri said during his visit to Trinidad last week: “The entire region should be concerned by the erosion of Venezuelan democracy, by the detention of hundreds of political prisoners, and by the government’s policies, which have created a critical lack of basic medicines and access to food.”

The Maduro Government has relentlessly and intentionally undermined other constitutional branches of government from the inside. Since opposition parties won a majority of seats in 2015, Venezuela’s National Assembly has been systematically smothered by the Maduro Government.

When a government breaks with democracy, we must join in solidarity with its people. Not through intervention or interference, but with diplomacy and mediation among all parties to help find a peaceful, democratic and comprehensive solution.

Today, we are witness to something insidious in Caracas. Citing vague, unproven claims of electoral fraud, allegedly committed by three legislators, the Government has denied the legislative branch the right to pass laws and the captive judiciary has declared Venezuela’s Congress “in contempt,” stripping it of all legislative authority.

When Venezuelan people protested, the Maduro administration blocked an attempt to put Maduro’s leadership to a vote through a recall referendum. In contrast, the late president Chavez vigorously defended the people’s right to use the referendum process to hold governments to account. Indeed, Chavez both won and lost referenda.

Maduro is undermining Venezuela’s military, increasing his reliance on them to control the economy, intimidate opponents and suppress popular discontent. More than 331 Venezuelan civilians are being held and prosecuted by military courts in secret trials. Venezuela’s own attorney general, appointed by Chavez in 2007, has condemned the trials and the military has refused her access to the prisoners.

Faced with a crumbling economy and massive popular dissatisfaction, the Maduro regime is now destroying the last vestiges of the democratic order.

The upcoming General Assembly of the Organization of American States will provide us a forum to discuss the death spiral of democracy in Venezuela.

We are obligated to help end the polarising violence and to stand by the Venezuelan people as they reclaim their democracy.

JOHN MCINTYRE

Chargé d’Affaires, US Embassy

Last week, I was not so much taken aback by the leak to the media of the exam given by the Judicial and Legal Services Commission (JLSC) to five prospective judges, including former chief magistrate Marcia Ayers-Caesar, as I was by some of the rather unfortunate comments that emanated therefrom, relative to one of the questions in section A of the exam. And whilst I hold no brief for the JLSC and/or its head, Chief Justice Ivor Archie, but on the contrary, wholeheartedly share the view of learned attorney Martin Daly, SC, that the JLSC should, at the very least, as he put it: “beg pardon” for their recent huge administrative faux pas, I believe that it is important and in the interest of balance and fairness that I add my two cents (no pun intended) to the conversation.

The question to which I refer reads as follows: “A bat and ball together cost $1.10. The bat costs $1.00 more than the ball. How much does the ball cost?” However, I hasten to caution, don’t let its veneer of “primary-school” simplicity deceive you. As it is noteworthy that this is the first of three questions of the Cognitive Reflection Test (CRT), a three-item measure introduced into the (peer-reviewed) journal literature by Prof Shane Frederick of Yale University’s School of Management in 2005, in his paper Cognitive Reflection and Decision Making. Prof Frederick is considered an authority on decision-making and intertemporal choice, time preferences and discount functions and has authored several papers with other scholars including Nobel laureate Daniel Kahneman, emeritus professor of Princeton University.

The CRT is designed to measure “cognitive reflection” or the ability or disposition to resist reporting the response that first comes to mind that is incorrect and to engage in further reflection that leads to the correct response. Studies have shown that the CRT is a more potent predictor of performance on a wide sample of tasks from the literature rather than other measures of cognitive ability, thinking dispositions and executive functioning.

Returning to the bat and ball question, the research indicates that when people answer this question, many of them show a characteristic that is common to many reasoning errors: they behave like cognitive misers. They give the first response that comes to mind, which is ten cents, without thinking further and realising that this answer cannot be correct. As the bat would then have to cost $1.10, and the total cost would then be $1.20 rather than the required $1.10. Most people often do not think deeply enough to realise their error, and cognitive ability or “being bright” is no guarantee against making the error. In fact, in a study conducted at Princeton, which measured time preferences using both real and hypothetical rewards, Prof Frederick found that large numbers of highly select university students at MIT, Princeton, and Harvard were cognitive misers. More than 50 per cent of them responded that the cost was ten cents, rather than the correct answer of five cents.

The bottom line is that whilst the three questions on the CRT appear relatively “easy” in the sense that their solution is easily understood when explained, the challenge of reaching the correct answer often requires the suppression of an erroneous answer that springs “impulsively” to mind. Accordingly, one can well appreciate the applicability of such a test in helping to determine the suitability of any individual aspiring to high office, particularly that of a judge. Moreover, I am persuaded that CRT’s application should be extended to include ALL politicians as a prerequisite for determining their suitability to hold public office. As this may be one sure way of getting them to ensure that their brain is engaged before putting their mouth in gear. I trust that the preceding brings some clarity to the issue, and a Happy Father’s Day to all fathers and fathers-to-be.

Citizen Peter Permell

There is much on the shoulders of every father and in T&T it is no different. While I do not wish in any way to sound negative, we, at times do not hit the mark, yet that great responsibility of being a father is still there.

In biblical times the word when translated made reference to a leader, one in authority, a senior male person. This alone gives you the idea that this person— “father”—has a responsible position in our family structure and society at large. I now share a few of those responsibilities.

1. A lover: I deliberately chose to begin with this great responsibility since, to me, it forms the foundation. As a father it is important that love is shown on a daily basis to all your children and even other children whom you meet.

It is amazing what a hug, gentle kiss and the words “I love you” can do for a child.

2. Provider: God has entrusted children into our hands and with that the responsibility of providing for them. When you are blessed with them the father is saying I trust you to provide and ensure that they have what is necessary for them to go through life happily.

3. Protector: In the age we are living in and seeing what is taking place in the lives of children, it is important that they feel secure, safe and a sense of comfort at all times. This lies in the hands of every father and while you cannot do this for everyone, at least you should do it for your very own.

4. Instructor: Fathers must be there always to instruct their children, they cannot be left to do as they well please or left up to the teachers.

If they are going to grow up in a proper manner then instruction or direction is necessary.

5. Ensuring fun time: It is important that fathers have fun with those under him. This is one way of building strong relationships which are vitally important.

I do hope that all fathers will make this part of their daily busy routine. I wish all those great men a Happy Father’s Day and may God continue to richly bless and keep you.

Arnold Gopeesingh

San Juan

Successive governments have been complaining about the horrendous backlog of cases in the courts. I am suggesting that Attorney General Faris Al-Rawi embark on a programme to establish a network of community courts throughout the country to deal with and expedite minor traffic matters and petty communal and family issues.

One of the easiest ways is to appoint Justices of the Peace (JPs) to deal with and adjudicate on such matters.

JPs are people with an untainted background, a character above reproach and are fully conversant with some of the laws of T&T; this I hope is always true and correct. JPs are former civil servants, teachers and high-profiled people in their respective communities, all with a penchant to see that law, order, peace and good governance prevail in our country.

The community courts can operate in the Magistrates’ Courts at nights and on weekends, and I think that this initiative is quite practical and would be fully welcomed by citizens.

This initiative may require some amendments to the existing laws, which I am sure would not encroach on the existing laws of the nation. And I am sure it is an initiative that the Opposition UNC and other civic-minded entities would willingly support.

For far too long we have been hearing the chief justice, judges, magistrates, the media and other citizens talking about the horrible backlog of cases, and they all are concerned about the slow pace of matters being heard by the courts. We must remember that justice delayed is justice denied.

Mr Attorney General, despite the several bills and amendments you have pushed through Parliament, the people do not feel anything positive is being done. Stop talking about plans and programmes for the system of justice and start working and walking the talk.

Your spirited approach, especially when the media is around, must now give way for action. It is action this nation needs now, more than ever.

I call upon you take heed of this request. Show the national community that you are serious, really serious about the urgent dispensation of justice, and switch to action.

Do it now or forever hold your peace.

Paras Ramoutar

Former councillor Caparo

A senior petroleum geophysicist at the Ministry of Energy and Energy Industries has been elected as a member of the Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf (CLCS), the Ministry of Foreign Affairs said in a statement yesterday.

Dr Wanda-Lee De Landro Clarke became the first woman to be elected to sit on the 21-member Commission on June 14, 2017.

Dr De Landro Clarke obtained 160 votes out of a possible 164 votes of states parties present and voting, from all regions of the world.

In order to be elected, a candidate had to obtain at least two-thirds majority of the ballots cast.

The elections took place at United Nations Headquarters in New York, within the framework of the 27th Meeting of States Parties to the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea.

The CLCS was established pursuant to Article I of Annex II of the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea to facilitate the implementation of the Convention with regard to the establishment of the continental shelf beyond 200 nautical miles from the baselines from which the breadth of the territorial sea is measured.

The Convention on the Continental Shelf replaced the earlier practice of nations having sovereignty over only a very narrow strip of the sea surrounding them, with anything beyond that strip considered International Waters, according to a Wikipedia article on the subject.

This policy was used until President of the United States Harry S Truman proclaimed that the resources on the continental shelf contiguous to the United States belonged to the United States through an Executive Order on 28 September 1945. Many other nations quickly adapted similar policies, most stating that their portion of the sea extended either 12 or 200 nautical miles from its coast.

The successful election of Dr De Landro Clarke is consistent with the continuation of T&T’s leading role on matters pertaining to the law of the sea. Dr De Landro Clarke will be succeeding T&T national, Mr Francis Charles, who has served on the Commission since 2007.

Dr De Landro Clarke’s election to the CLCS also satisfies the Government of Trinidad and Tobago’s adherence to the United Nations Sustainable Development Goal 5, to ‘achieve gender equality and the empowerment of women and girls’.

The meeting also elected 20 other members from Africa, Asia, Eastern Europe, Latin America and the Caribbean and Western Europe.

T&T ratified the Convention on the Continental Shelf in 1968.

KINGSTON—Finance Minister Audley Shaw says with legislation being crafted to support interactive and online gaming, Jamaica’s betting, gaming and lotteries sectors are positioned for growth.

Shaw, who was addressing the 7th Caribbean Gaming Show and Summit earlier this week, noted that the casino segment of the industry has not only been picking up momentum, but is now actively courting new investors.

“Since last year, the Casino Commission has met with two large international investors, which are now advanced in the preparation of their applications for Integrated Resource Development status.

“With these developments, there is a lot of optimism for the growth potential of the gaming sector,” Shaw said.

He said that for the 2016/2017 fiscal year, the gaming sector recorded J$111.25 billion (One Jamaica dollar =US$0.008 cents) in revenues, compared with J$91.9 billion in 2015/16, representing a 21 per cent increase in revenue performance.

He said the lottery segment posted J$36.8 billion in 2016/17, or J$1.9 billion over the J$34.9 billion of the previous year, while the betting segment recorded a 12 per cent growth over the J$8.9 billion of the previous year to close at J$10.04 billion.

“While we are encouraged by the enormity of these numbers, we recognise, however, that unscrupulous individuals would want to tap these revenues to fund their illegal activities.

“This is why the government, through the regulator, increased its surveillance of the industry, and will extend all the resources necessary to clamp down on illegal gaming. There is still a lot of work to be done to increase the level of compliance in the industry, but I am sure, having witnessed the fallout of de-risking themselves, operators are now taking steps to improve their own mechanisms to this end,” Shaw said.

He further noted that, as the oversight body, the Betting, Gaming and Lotteries Commission (BGLC) has forged memoranda of understanding with law-enforcement authorities to have financial intelligence shared in real time.

“This is a major step in the fight against illicit gaming. We must have eyes and ears on the ground providing information on which the authorities can act speedily,” Shaw added.

He noted that “reports indicate that illegal gambling operations are raking in an estimated two billion dollars each year. A big chunk of that money is used to fund the criminal underworld”.

Shaw said that as industry stakeholders, “we must band together to stamp out this phenomenon.

“It robs governments of revenues and curtails the activities of lawful entities, when they are forced to invest significant sums to bolster their internal mechanisms,” Shaw said.

“I must laud the enforcement arm of the BGLC for its efforts in this regard, which saw a 132 per cent increase in the number of operations it carried out for fiscal year 2016/17. There were 26 arrests for the year compared with 16 in the previous year, with J$240, 000 paid over in court fines by unauthorised individuals,” he said.

Shaw said that the government recognises that there is a lot more work to be done and will continue to support the efforts of the regulator.

In the last few weeks this newspaper has observed a few almost hysterical responses to some of the amendments being proposed to The Cybercrime Bill 2017.

Let us be clear, the particularly offensive and frankly unacceptable clause (8:2) simply cannot work where journalism is concerned. High-impact reportage around the world relies significantly on source information. For a media house, a head of news, an editor or a journalist to face criminal charges for the simple act of receiving information from a source who wishes to remain anonymous to protect him/herself from retribution, is absurd at best.

To hold a journalist accountable, and again subject to charges, for failing to be aware of where or how a source obtained information is equally irrational.

And while it is currently legal for the police to enter the premises of a media house to search and seize computers or material containing source information, it is a disconcerting option, especially in the absence of a much higher level of judicial approval.

In a functioning democracy, 8:2 and clauses with similar intent simply cannot stand.

At the same time, this newspaper and this media house must acknowledge a fundamental difference in position and approach to the amendments being proposed to this bill. Some are urgently needed to address the Wild West cyber-gun fights taking place on social media.

We support with every page we publish and in every broadcast we produce, the tenets of press freedom and freedom of expression, but we cannot and will not condone the vitriolic diatribe against private citizens, public personalities, politicians and anyone with an opinion, especially in an age where social media attacks can live on ad-infinitum.

Cyber bullying is as real and should be as punishable as any case of defamation. It is no longer acceptable for any social media blogger anonymous or otherwise, to allege politicians or business people commit or orchestrate everything from murder to money laundering.

While some cowards hide behind fake profiles, others are brave enough to post knowing that there are few consequences. The reality now, is that there are only a few people in this country with the finances, tenacity, time and courage to follow these matters through.

Mainstream media houses in this country receive threats of legal action on a regular basis. Valid or not, we are held to account for the material we produce. Basic journalism demands we verify information, fact check, seek balance and response. When we fall short, we are held to account. These rules, however, do not apply in the way they should to digital platforms and social media.

Through this bill, the Attorney General and those advising him seem to be seeking to change the game so that issues like these can be addressed.

The proposals in the amendments currently before us though, are not hitting the right notes. Addressing hacking is welcome, but cloaking other issues under the blanket of “matters of national security” is arbitrary and vague. As is the definition in Clause 18 of “causing harm to a person” via a computer system, under the heading Cybercrime offences.

This is not an easy task for the Attorney General or the Rowley administration, but this media house and this newspaper believes that with compromise, we can get the right things done.

The Guardian has been around for 100 years. We have seen growth, change and development and we have learned a few things: when there is genuine dialogue, with a view to improving things, solutions can be found. Antagonism, aggression and blatant rejection of proposals based on political bias or fear or partial understanding, achieves little and leaves our citizens without redress or solutions.

This bill is not irredeemable and that is the position of this media house. It is about more than just press freedom; it is of interest to an entire nation that is increasingly connected by digital platforms.

Attillah Springer had the quote of the week.

It broke through what seemed a national competition for the most offensive or inane public comment on missionary Roman Catholic priest Father Clyde Harvey being robbed in a church, threatened with kidnapping, and left hog-tied. We as Trinis are so much more profound at picong than poignancy.

One leader of a respectable Christian denomination saw the final straw in our moral decline: the wicked attacking God himself.

Kamla shamelessly politicised things, comparing armed bandits’ threats to the priest’s life to PNM politicians’ criticisms of Sat Maharaj’s insistence Hindus be allowed to marry pubescent girls. Our Prime Minister (who desperately needs a press secretary if Maxie is not up to the job) resorted to shaming and blaming the young men’s parents.

And Wayne Chance. He went on and on or longer than broadcast standards ought to allow, certainly longer than I could stomach, about demon seed, a sort of supernatural theory that violence is spawned from semen of blighted men in the wombs of young women in their communities.

Even Fr Harvey’s own responses—to a media he knows is careless and sensational—served to redo some of the damage he pointed out is at the root of the endemic violence and alienation he rightfully noted had merely crossed the door of his presbytery.

There was so much stupidity recklessly trumpeted last week that I began to wonder if this column would enter the competition itself. Whether I am being as laughably naive and simplistic in my own analysis of the significance of what happened. My sentiment that our responses last week demonstrate most poignantly what is wrong with the country—where we reach, as Attillah reflected on. Not the church break-in, or threats to the life of a priest widely seen by the middle class as the champion of the communities his attackers come from, and the minister of East Port-of- Spain.

Attillah wrote back to the hand-wringing Cassandras’ wails that “Trinidad gone through.” She offered that any such conclusion ought to be attributed, not to the proliferation of young men toting guns, but instead to the failure of more of us to be Clyde Harveys.

It was brilliant.

But I don’t agree. I think it is far, far simpler than that. And more complicated.

First, the stock images on newspaper covers, following the incident, of the gold-robed priest over an altar, on which stood a gold-plated lectern, ought to help us better understand how the young men failed to distinguish between his institution and others. And we forget how recently the man being extolled today so unthinkingly as an icon of goodness was demonised by many as a politically dangerous radical.

But, fundamentally, it isn’t about us being as Mother Theresa as we’ve made Clyde into. About keeping injustice in place and being sacrificially charitable to those lesser.

It’s that we have all committed to replicating a society passed on to us after servitude and colonialism that remains devoted to devaluing some people’s humanity. The simple and challenging root of almost everything we suffer is the fact that we all collude actively in reproducing and justifying inequality in needless ways, in order to see ourselves as better—or even better-behaved. It’s the font of all the violence—of the alienation from each other in this tiny place that enables the excess of the violence—despite our immense wealth and talent and Carnival-like capacity for energy and production. Judging and excluding some group of people is the point of our every institution, the fabric of our social lives. Getting through is a privilege, a favour, a grease hand; not a right.

Finding a way to share the nation’s heritage and liberty has eluded us. We struggle to imagine a value system focused on inclusion, on inherent worth; and find ourselves constantly distracted by rituals and etiquettes that should not matter. It’s why the Education Minister thinks teaching penmanship a more important obligation for his ministry in a digital age than sexuality education. Why Krysis’s politeness matters more than officers’ corruption. Why we’ve become righteously obsessed with the protocol and race of a handful of judicial appointments as a failure of governance, in ways we never have for the hundreds the justice system fails—as both victims and accused.

On the one hand, the everyday opportunities to undo this in every small transaction—at service counters, at intersections, in classrooms, on judicial benches, in families, in barbershops and nail salons—are boundless.

On the other hand, the immenseness of our failure to make building a nation of fairness and opportunity central to law, public service and public education is staggering, and requires systemic change and aggressive leadership.

The lives of all young bad boys matter. Deeply. They ought to matter more to us than to their gang lords. They will not kill each other out; nor will corrupt police. They are all very human. As human as we are. No one else is responsible for them but us. We can cling to self-righteousness and neglect, blame and old-fashioned stupidities. We can have many more weeks of prayerful lament.

Until we all invest meaningfully in the futures of the families of the young men who grew up to attack Fr Clyde, in the young girls who grow up to be their mothers—as long as young black people see people their prime minister calls young black leaders spending $59,000 of the VAT they pay on a week of phone calls, or $92,000 on a weekend in Tobago, nothing much will matter to us but violence.

It’s that we have all committed to replicating a society passed on to us after servitude and colonialism that remains devoted to devaluing some people’s humanity. The simple and challenging root of almost everything we suffer is the fact that we all collude actively in reproducing and justifying inequality in needless ways, in order to see ourselves as better—or even better-behaved.

I had no choice but to return to the Congress of the People and seek the mantle of leadership of the party. I had no choice because my love for this twin island and the precarious position we find ourselves in leaves me no choice. I simply have to take a stand.

I thought long and hard before making the decision to contest the leadership position because I know the level of dedication, commitment and sacrifice it will take to make a success of the rebuilding of party and country, but I am confident that I have what it takes to make it work.

The Congress of the People once resonated with hundreds of thousands of citizens who yearned for a different kind of politics and genuine change in our nation. If there were ever a time to rekindle this vision and intention for a better life, if ever we needed to engage in a more constructive, meaningful dialogue on getting there, if ever we required a resurgence of self belief, it is now.

Our country is at the crossroads.

We are fast approaching the point of no return.

It is high time for the resumption of all that the COP once held out as the party of the future.

We can’t look to the Government for solving the problems, because the Government is the problem. We can’t look to the Opposition for alternatives, because the Opposition isn’t the alternative.

Yet I understand that people are fed up and tired of the rhetoric and confrontational type of politics. I am going to demonstrate how effective we can be when our hearts are in the right place and the good of the people is put before political ambition and petty self interests.

I will re-instill faith, hope and belief in the COP again. The party isn’t over. No one actually went home. They all kind of hung around waiting and hoping our party and all it promised for everyone, will somehow find its way once more. Well, I’m here to tell you the COP is back and everyone in Trinidad and Tobago will know it and be happy that we’re here.

You will see innovative ideas that can make a difference overnight if implemented. You will hear refreshing approaches to old issues that linger. You will feel the emergence of something we have all longed for way too long. That something is, in a word, leadership.

I am here to claim stewardship over the COP and to reclaim its rightful place as “the party of the future” by addressing the substance of all that is needed today and I begin by humbly asking for your support as I begin the process of earning it.

Two words will encapsulate the re-emergence of the COP as we reclaim T&T to be the paradise it once was...

“Rise Up!”

Get ready for the battle of your lives and for your lives. No one can afford to stand down this time around.

“Rise Up!”

The future of the party and nation is here.

If you ever felt afraid, if you ever felt disenfranchised or disillusioned, if you ever felt a sense of hopelessness, if you ever felt the pangs of hunger, if you ever felt ignored and insignificant, if you ever felt discriminated against because of race or gender or disability or religion or political belief or without even knowing why, if you ever felt grief over losing someone to a senseless killing or know someone who did, if you ever felt powerless, if you ever felt destitute, if you ever felt we could do better as a nation, if you ever felt when will it ever change, then you have felt the reason to rise up and be a champion for change through what a resurgent COP will deliver.

Nicole Dyer-Griffith

I am all ears and I am willing to hear any news or reports about something really and truly positive that relates to this nation.

In my opinion, this a hopeless nation overloaded with negativity and nothing else. Have a look at all the reports so far this week in the local press and media and you will see what I am talking about.

With the main features of our society being deception, racism, corruption, rising poverty and crime, including everyday murders, there is no room for positivity, we just haven’t got anything to crow about.

Trying to crow about progress, you are most likely to choke yourself to death.

G A Marques, via email

Did T&T invent a drug test kit? Where’s the Forex to come from to purchase drug test kits to use on citizens? How much Forex will harassment of blue-collar drivers earn the nation?

PNM got back into office on the grounds that they can mitigate crime. Is this indirect taxation drive going to mitigate crime? To the PNM, the productive public are criminals, while real criminals (white- and blue-collar) are misunderstood law breakers who shouldn’t pay for their crimes. We should endure the repercussions of their lawlessness and see ourselves as criminals. Because traffic offence taxation is the new crime plan.

Right now, $123.8 billion is needed to get T&T out of debt. Indirect taxation pressure from petty traffic offences isn’t going to accrue Forex to pay off this debt. So as the Government has no ideas on how to raise Forex and no ideas on how to catch real criminals they ought to resign.

I think passing law to randomly drug test players in the four pillars of democracy would provide interesting insights. Randomly drug test the legislature, the executive, the judiciary and the press (media).

B Joseph, via email

The Met Office has issued another bulletin saying the country should begin to experience Tropical Storm conditiopns within the next 18 to 24 hours.

The bulletin was issued at 6 am, which means the conditions should start anywhere between midnight and 6 am Tuesday.

It notes that the system has not as yet developed into a Tropical Cyclone but says it has the potential to become one.

It is located 1005 kilometres east-southeast of Trinidad and Tobago and is moving west at 37 kilometres per hour.

The system contains maximum sustained winds of 65 km/hr with higher gusts.

It is expected to produce 50 to 125 mm of rainfall over Trinidad and Tobago.

The Met Office's next bulletin will be at midday today.